What Indonesia - Bali is all about ?

Bateson and Mead interpreted this as a traditional punishment in Helr. It is, in fact, an image from the well-known story of Bima Suarga (Bima is The Other World, or Hell), which is illustrated in the famous royal palace paintings in Klungkung (Kerta Gosa) and frequently in other pictures produced by the Balinese in Klungkung and Batuan. It is the soul of a woman who is being punished because she did not suckle her child enough and let it cry. The Balinese regard the Bima Suarga story as an exhortation to mothers to give good care to their babies test such a fate befall them.

An example of Bateson and Mead's incorrect illustration of a concept is their interpretation that eating is shameful because the Balinese turn away from each other while eating. Neither the interpretation nor the observation is correct. The Balinese do not look away or turn away from each other while eating. Furthermore, the pictures do not illustrate shame. The Balinese seldom feel shame while eating. Possibly Bateson and Mead mistranslated the meaning of lek as shame in the eating situation. The Balinese may cover their mouths while eating but it is not because of feelings of shame as believed by Bateson and Mead. Rather, it is considered impolite or uneducated not to do so. Children are also taught by their mothers not to eat quickly and noisily (cupak).It is correct that - the Balinese speak little while eating but it is incorrect to interpret this as shame. The Balinese believe it is impolite to speak while eating. It is proper to focus on eating, to show respect and politeness. If you are impolite (e.g in eating or 'dressing), people tell you that you ought to feel ashamed (1ek)

A dramatic and climactic historical event occurred in 1908, when the most Powerful and last ruling family in Bali, the Tjokordas of Klungkung, walked ceremoniously and suicidally into the annihilating gunfire of invading Dutch troops (C. Geertz, 1980). A similar event occurred in 1906, when the Badung ruling family, the king, his wives, his children, and his entourage, suicidally marched into a massacre by Dutch troops.

Boon (1977) regarded the place of death in Balinese traditions as an enduring, almost substantive, theme: 'If any complex of values could be Said to cement the diverse strata, factions and times of Balinese culture, it is the premises around which death and cremation rites occur.' He predicted that if Bali's culture ever succumbs to political or tourist-induced upheaval, 'its death will take the form not of a quiet burial but of one last and total cremation'. These views underscore the principal significance of death and cremation in Bali and the climactic nature of cremation lends credence to climax as a basic aspect of ritual in Balinese culture.

Bateson and Mead supplemented their observations with in, formation gained from talks with Western, colleagues in Bali, including Walter Spies, an artist and student of Balinese culture, and Jane Belo and Colin McPhee with whom they stayed in the village of Sayan for two months in 1939 when they returned briefly to Bali. Belo had studied trance and McPhee studied music. Hildred Geertz, anthropologist and scholar of Balinese culture-, surmised that these Westerners' prevailing 'myths' about the Balinese may have unduly influenced Mead and Bateson. Made Kaler informed us that they relied more on Westerners, particularly the Dutch, 'than on the Balinese as sources of information; they did not discuss issues with him. Kaler believed that is the reason for their misstatement about his education in Java Possibly a reliance on foreigners accounts for some of their general errors in interpretation and a number of specific errors in data, such as the statement that Nyepi occurs every 400 days (it takes place about every 364 days), the characteristics of the people of north Bali, and customs in Bayung Gede.

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